“undermaned and underfunded”

I’m getting tired of hearing this.

The Darfur Consortium – a group of 50 mostly Africa-based non-profits – has just released a report (or here) which accuses UNAMID, the joint AU/UN peacekeeping force, of not protecting the civilians of Darfur. The principal reasons given for this failure: UNAMID does not have enough money or personnel.

It shows up in every report to the Security Council and practically every news story that is even tangentially related to Darfur. It is the politically correct and safe thing to say. But it is simply not true.

(Journalists are fond of citing the story of AU soldiers not being given new UN-blue helmets when the mission came under UN control at the beginning of the year, forcing them to tie plastic bags around them. While a vivid image, it is hardly an honest one.)

Yes, UNAMID may have far fewer troops on the ground than was originally projected; yes, they still have not received the oft-mentioned air assets (attack helicopters, specifically) which they have requested. Yet these are not the reasons for the failure of their mission.

It was doomed from the beginning. The roots of the problem lie not in the lack of people or money. (The mission has plenty of people sitting in offices doing nothing and plenty of money, to the point where they are hiring extra staff in order to justify their huge budget.)

The roots lie in the forfeiting of authority and independence to the Government of Sudan and, secondarily, in the managerial incompetence of important UNAMID staff. The latter is a product of the first, since the GoS was allowed to have a final say on which countries and individuals were part of the mission.

UNAMID’s subjugation to the GoS has meant that they have been stymied at every turn. They can not bring in the supplies and equipment they need because the authorities keep them holed up in customs for several months even if these are allowed to enter the country. Most ludicrously, GoS police and military authorities must be notified about (read, “approve”) UNAMID’s every move. Recently I heard, from a well-placed UNAMID staff member, “Night patrols are out of the question.” These are just a few of the myriad problems. Like I’ve said before, its a joke.

Alex de Waal and others have suggested that the whole idea of a peacekeeping force in Darfur is probably a bad one. There is no peace to keep; the more UNAMID personnel are here, the more targets there are for trigger-happy, profit-eager bandits and not-so-cooperative-after-all government proxies.

youtube blocked

The fearsome YouTube; now blocked by Sudan's NTC.

In a fatal blow to our already lackluster sources of entertainment, the Sudanese government has blocked access to YouTube, the online video sharing Web site.

And just when I found out about the amazing videos of death-defying Wingsuit flights! (Sorry, you will have to find the videos for yourself.)

the ICC and the plight of UNAMID

It seems that the Government of Sudan (GoS) has, for the moment, contented itself with a diplomatic reponse to the pending ICC indictment against its President Omar el-Bashir. Over the last week, it has lobbied intensely and successfully in both the African Union and the Arab League, the two regional bodies of which it is a member. Both bodies have released official statements condemning the ICC Prosecutor’s request for an indictment against Mr. Bashir. Teams of Sudanese diplomats have been shuttling between regional capitals – Libya, Egypt, Ethiopia. The goal seems to be to pressure the Security Council to block the issuance of an arrest warrant, either unilaterally, for fear of jeopardizing the non-existent peace process, or as part of a bargain, in exchange for a renewed effort by the government in securing peace in Darfur.

Nor is the government leaving it at that. They are openly and chillingly insinuating attacks against UN and humanitarian targets in Darfur should the indictments go through. Yesterday, a Sudanese presidential advisor said this:

“We are telling the world that with the indictment of our [P]resident al-Beshir we can’t be responsible for the well-being of foreign forces in Darfur.” (here)

In contrast, a few days ago President Bashir himself seemed to guarantee the safety of the peacekeeping force.

“You are our guests and our partners and we are ready to provide any assistance that will help you do your work.” (here)

Well informed observers do not take these kinds of assurances too seriously; rhetoric and practice are often worlds apart, nowhere more than in Sudan. While, on the flip side, this by no means guarantees attacks against foreigners in Darfur, if the ICC arrest warants are issued, there are good reasons to be wary.

Seven peacekeepers were killed and 22 injured in an ambush on July 8th in North Darfur; a UNAMID military officer in a remote town in West Darfur was shot and killed in an apparent robbery attempt, and this week, in El Fasher, a UN Security officer was beaten up by soldiers from the feared military intelligence apparatus, while investigating a traffic accident. All of these incidents, have been linked, with varying degrees of certainty, to government or government-aligned forces. It would appear that, while the government may not be ordering these attacks, neither are they actively and forcefully preventing those under their influence from perpetrating these crimes.

And now the rebels are angry with the AU for supporting Bashir against the ICC. SLA-Unity had the following to say:

“This resolution proves their failure to play a constructive role to resolve Darfur crisis and we call for the AU withdrawal from mediation and to leave the matter to the United Nations” (here)

Given that UNAMID is largely composed of AU citizens and coupled with the fact that most rebel factions already see UNAMID as being too close to the government, this does not bode well for the future safety of the “peacekeeping” mission. Being attacked from both sides would not be a pleasant experience, I imagine.

the president comes to town

His excellency, the highly-indicted President of Sudan, Omar el-Bashir is traveling in Darfur today. Reports are that he will visit El Fasher and Nyala.

This visit is widely perceived as a publicity stunt, to shore up his support among government aligned groups in Darfur and to seek to prove, to the rest of Sudan and to the world, that Darfur really loves him, despite what the ICC may say. To that end, people are being paid 50-100 Sudanese Pounds ($25-$50) if they will attend the rally and listen to the President’s speech. Bashir’s lackeys are sending buses and trucks to pick up people from all the surrounding villages. Further, posters are being put up all over town sporting a dignified picture of the President and slogans such as “Down with Ocampo!”. (This is just a small part of a large government propaganda campaign against Luis Moreno-Ocampo, the ICC chief prosecutor. The other day a local paper called him a “pedophile”.)

The President is reported to have invited ambassadors from the UK, US, France, China, and Russia, among others, as well as senior UN/AU officials, to travel with him on this trip. I don’t know if anyone cared to come along.

The humanitarian community is in a delicate situation with regard to this visit. There are expectations that some agencies, especially the UN, will be invited to meet with the President. While a meeting with a sitting Head of State is generally not a bad thing, this is not your garden-variety president. Given the extreme hatred that many in Darfur feel towards this man, it is imperitive that we do not further the perception that our organizations are government-aligned or government-sympathetic, as that will imperil our work in other areas of Darfur. Neutrality is such a tricky thing sometimes.

Update, 1:05 pm:

Upon arrival in El Fasher, the President’s address was preceded by pro-Bashir speeches from Fur, Masallit, and Zaghawa leaders. These were the three tribes against which Bashir is alleged to have committed war crimes, according to the ICC indictments. Yet here they are seeming to support the President!

I asked some of my Fur and Zaghawa staff about it. Apparently it is common knowledge that these men are members of the government and are very handsomely rewarded for maintaining their loyalty. One of my staff members said: “They have weak hearts.” Ah, Sudan… never believe you understand it!

the grenade rolls by

So, the ICC indictment against the President of Sudan, Omer al-Bashir, is out.

It seems the grenade either has a delayed fuse or is a dud. It has rolled by relatively harmlessly for now.

So far today we have not seen attacks against international staff or facilities. The only reaction so far seems to be some large orchestrated protests in downtown Khartoum, another one in El Geneina (West Darfur), a small, half-hearted one in El Fasher (North Darfur), and none at all in Nyala (South Darfur). In fact, as you may imagine, large numbers of the Darfurian population are not too sympathetic towards the government. Therefore, we expect problems principally where there are large concentrations of Arab tribes and/or their militias.

The scarcity of negative consequences so far should not be taken to indicte that there will not be other effects in the long-term. We wait. The next 24 hours are probably the most important.

In the mean time, the UN mission in Darfur has raised its security level. This means that all but the most “critical” UN staff are being relocated. This has important effects for NGOs as well since they rely on the UN system for emergency evacuation capabilities. In the long term, however, if the UN does not return with full capacity soon, the independent humanitarians may just have to find another way to operate – ways that are less dependent on their unwieldy and super-cautious big brother.

The major news sources are linking these two events, the ICC indictment and the increase of the UN security level. According to briefings the humanitarian community has received, this is mostly erroneous. It has more to do with UN discomfort at their overall posture and the deterioration of security over the past several months – particularly, the number of carjackings and targeted attacks against UN personnel and facilities. The ambush against UNAMID forces on Tuesday, killing 7 soldiers and police officers, seems to have been the rain drop that broke the dam.

I write about these things not as abstract newsworthy items but, rather, as events which directly impact my life and work. I have done little else in the past four very busy days except deal with their consequences.

ICC indictments on Sudan

Not only is the Government of Sudan nervous about the ICC; the international community here is perhaps even more nervous about the potential implications of the new indictments, due out Monday. The BBC is now openly reporting that President Bashir himself will be fingered. Story here.

The potential implications of these indictments are many and depressing. Everything from anti-Western riots on the streets of Khartoum to government-backed attacks on UN targets to the expulsion of many or all international organizations.

I imagine that this is a bit of what it feels like to wait for a grenade to explode.

Let’s just say this is one of several very worrying potential developments in the coming month. The outlook is stormy.

pessimism

A trio of bad news:

Sudan seeking to exploit oil in Darfur. Echoes of Abyei.

Security source: Al-Qaeda heading to Sudan and Somalia from Iraq.

Lawyer arrested for providing a defense for accused rebels.

What with these stories and other rumours, that I cannot post, Darfur (and the wider Sudan) is, by most accounts, worse than ever.

The next predictable flash-point will be the release of the International Criminal Court (ICC) indictment related to Darfur. Senior officials are nervous.

back again

It certainly has been a while since I’ve posted. My apologies.

During my blogging hiatus, I came to the realization that it is difficult for me to sustain enthusiasm for an impersonal, news-oriented blog. Therefore, with your consent, I hope to steer this venue a bit more to the personal – as much as is possible without compromising all-important anonymity.

Life in Darfur continues to be challenging and interesting. Security remains unpredictable. The humanitarian community is kept guessing as to the movements and intentions of the many warring parties in the region. Add to this the smaller scale, yet no less pressing, challenges of the day-to-day operations of a humanitarian organization: logistics, vehicle purchases, government relations, human resources, reporting to donors, coordination with other agencies. If these were not enough, there are always the periodic “security incidents” to keep us on our toes: the now very frequent car-jackings, the break-ins, the reports of militia attacks.  Just a few minutes ago I received news from one of our field teams of an incident that will have significant repercussions if confirmed.

So, I hope to post about these things and how I experience them. Wish me luck. Here goes “Too Huge World” – Round 2.

away

I’m on vacation for 2 weeks. See you when I get back!

“humanitarian boomtown”

“This is really changing our lifestyle,” he said. “But… it won’t last.”

…a driver or a security guard at the U.N. can earn more than a university lecturer or technocrat with 20 years’ experience.

The LA Times has an interesting and accurate piece on El Fasher, a Darfur state capital, where the influx of UN and aid organizaitons is making the city more prosperous than ever.

300,000…

…dead in Darfur.

Numbers. Can not convey. Human lives.

containment

The government of Sudan is once again restricting humanitarian access to needy populations in Darfur. While the safety of humanitarian workers themselves is, I believe, not a major concern, our ability to access to rural areas is under attack.

During the past year, the large increase in the number of 4-wheel-drive vehicles hijacked in rural areas has led most NGOs and some UN agencies to decide that it is not safe to travel outside the state capitals in their own vehicles. We simply cannot afford to bear the financial or logistical burdens of replacing them. In an effort to continue to access critical areas and implement programs in this insecure environment, many agencies have chosen to use rented local vehicles which do not attract as much attention.

Now the very powerful Sudanese military intelligence agency instituted a complete ban on the movement of foreigners in rented vehicles outside the capital of North Darfur. When taken in combination with the complete lack of security for humanitarian vehicles, this amounts to a ban on the movement of foreign humanitarian workers outside the state capital and a complete violation of the agreement signed by the Sudanese government with the UN for humanitarian operations in Darfur, which guarantee unobstructed humanitarian access.

And the reason that military intelligence gave when asked for an explanation by high-level UN officials? “Foreigners traveling in rented vehicles will make the population believe that North Darfur is not secure.”

As if they needed a reminder.

At least someone has a sense of humor around here.

Unhappy janjaweed

Things have been getting interesting in my part of the world. The last week has been full of “security incidents” and the requisite radio calls and meetings which accompany them. Therefore, the next several posts will take a detour from the personal, addressing some security-related topics with which I am faced daily.

Recently, Janjaweed caused trouble in the markets of several cities. They looted and burned the market in Kabkabiya, leaving several casualties, and killed one civilian in the El Fasher market. At the heart of their grievances appears to be a changing method of payment of salaries. (And yes, they are paid salaries by the government, no one disputes that here –even government officials.)

Whereas formerly the JJ commander would simply come into town, state the number of fighters they controlled, and be paid accordingly, the government is now requiring that each individual fighter come into town to receive his individual payment. Obviously, the JJ commanders are not too thrilled with this added measure of accountability. (Oh, on a humorous note, heard from the governor of North Darfur himself: “Janjaweed” are officially called “border patrolling groups.” What border they are referring to seems up for debate.)

While the Janjaweed salary issue seems to be resolved for now, other elements are adding uncertainty to an already volatile environment. Recently, an unusual number of assassinations have left many on edge, threatening to further anger and fragment an already uneasy populance. For its part, the government is nervous about the tenuous loyalty of certain groups and individuals. Although I do not expect humanitarian workers themselves to be targets at any point in the near future, the wider security situation will no doubt remain extra delicate for the coming months.

news?

What happens with the unarmed UN policemen in Darfur? They get robbed too. Oh dear.

Sudanese army captain defects to Chad with at least $1 million (USD) in cash meant for militia salaries. Clever… and dangerous.

life

Earlier this week I received news that Gabe, a good friend still young, had died.

An unrelated incident helped to lift an otherwise difficult week of mourning. The story starts six months ago.

The medical personnel at our field clinics examine hundreds of patients daily. Rarely does any one require more than a referral to the pharmacy for basic medication. There are, however, a few cases every month that must be taken to a hospital for further treatment.

One case, in mid-October, was particularly serious. The young patient was an eleven-year old girl named Umanas (“Mother of the People”). She suffered from frequent fainting spells and persistent weakness, among other symptoms. Her family claimed that her problems had started after their village was attacked in the early years of the war in Darfur. She saw her home burned; uncles, aunts, and cousins lying dead, caught as they tried to flee. However, after several consultations, doctors determined that she most likely suffered from a chronic heart valve failure. The only place which offered viable treatment for such a condition was in Khartoum – a brand-new heart hospital, operated by an Italian non-profit organization, imported practically piece-by-piece from Europe – a marvel of modern medical technology set amidst some of the most beautiful gardens in Sudan.

So, after several months of delays, Umanas, accompanied by her father, arrived at an airport for the first time in her life, boarded her first airplane, and landed in the bustling metropolis after a life lived, as a co-worker noted, “in a donkey-world.” But Umanas seemed to notice none of the novelty. She was only half-alive: she lay down for the whole flight, she did not speak, she did not smile or look us in the eye. Upon arrival at the hospital she lay in bed the whole day.

Earlier this week, I picked her up at the hospital after a two month stay and heart valve replacement. She was laughing, smiling, and chattering all the way back from the hospital to our guest house. Umanas was another girl altogether. She explored the big house, she sat slightly-confused in front of the television, and then told me confidently that she had learned to speak English at the hospital.

It was the morning after I learned of Gabe’s death.

So, a life taken and a life re-gifted. Nothing meets the loss of Gabe. Yet I could not help but wonder at the beauty and joy of seeing Umanas “live” again and the privilege of having played a part in it, however small.